4.4 Les relacions entre la Sección Femenina i l’Església catòlica

Les relacions entre la Sección Femenina i l’Església foren sempre controvertides i complexes. La religió catòlica (com s’ha explicat anteriorment) era la base de la ideologia de tot el règim, i també una força important dins de la ideologia de la Sección Femenina; però la forma d’entendre la fe, d’ensenyar-la i certs programes controvertits de la Sección Femenina portaren les dues forces principals del règim, falangistes i catòlics, a un enfrontament moltes vegades directe.

En un inici, la religió serví de punt d’unió dels partits d’extrema dreta. Quan durant la II República es promogueren reformes i mesures considerades anticlericals (fi del finançament a l’Església, expulsió dels jesuïtes, fi de l’educació religiosa com a matèria obligatòria, lleis estipulant el matrimoni civil i el divorci…) tots els partits de dretes del moment estigueren d’acord a oposar-se frontalment a unes mesures que atacaven a la sagrada Església catòlica.

1937
Entrada de los nacionales en un pueblo andaluz en 1937

Així, doncs, els falangistes feren una defensa a ultrança de l’Església, ja que consideraven el catolicisme vital per al naixement de la Nova Espanya que ells defensaven.

Però ja des d’aquest principi marcaren clarament la separació de l’Estat i l’Església, ja que consideraven un perill que l’Església tingués un poder excessiu i arrives a intervenir en assumptes estrictament d’Estat, i viceversa, que l’Estat desnaturalitzés la fe:

“ Toda reconstrucción de España ha de tener un sentido católico. Esto no quiere decir que vayan a renacer las persecuciones contra quienes no lo sean. Los tiempos de las persecuciones religiosas han pasado. tampoco quiere decir que el Estado vaya a asumir directamente funciones religiosas que correspondan a la Iglesia. Ni menos vaya a tolerar intromisiones i maquinaciones de la Iglesia, con daño posible para la dignidad del Estado o para la integridad nacional”. [1]

Així, doncs, des d’un inici el catolicisme fou utilitzat per la Falange Española i també per la seva branca femenina, la Sección.

Això es veu clarament amb la utilització de cites bíbliques en propaganda, de l’Evangeli en els manuals de Ciencias del Hogar i també en discursos de la mateixa Pilar Primo de Rivera:

“ Se podrán decir de vosotras aquellas palabras de la Escritura: << Tu esposa será como una parra fecunda en el recinto de tu casa. Alrededor de tu mesa estarán tus hijos como pimpollos de olivos (…) Y verás a los hijos de tus hijos y la Paz de Israel (…)>> ” [2]

Però en aquest moment ja començaren a sorgir tensions.

La figura de José Antonio Primo de Rivera fou mitificada des d’un bon principi, no només per la seva qualitat de bon orador, sinó per la condició de màrtir que adquirí en ingressar a la presó (se l’anomenaria “el Ausente) i encara més en morir.

Aquest fervor per la seva figura es veié traduït en una forta curiositat per la seva vida, que el portà a ser encara més popular sobretot després que es conegués el rebuig que havia patit per part d’una nòvia aristòcrata, fet que fou entès com una mostra del “populisme” falangista.

José Antonio

José Antonio Primo de Rivera

Aquesta mitificació molestà l’Església, que considerà totalment inadequada la veneració gairebé deïficadora que estava despertant José Antonio.

Aquesta tensió augmentà quan la figura de José Antonio es començà a comparar amb la de Jesucrist….:

“ Lo mataron como a Cristo

asesinos del Averno,

murió a los treinta y tres años

predicando el Evangelio.

Sangre de yugos y flechas

brotó roja de su pecho

porque España -grande y libre-

se inundara con sus sueños.” [3]

I la seva Revolució Nacionalsindicalista amb la Santíssima Trinitat:

“ José Antonio que os enseña, Franco que os ama y Cristo en la Cruz que os preside”.4

També les seves obres foren editades en un sol llibre, basant-se i imitant la Bíblia.

Encara que aquestes idees i mitificacions s’estengueren molt i ràpidament, Pilar mai no els va donar suport, més aviat al contrari: intentà desmitificar el seu germà, volent respectar l’Església i adquirir credibilitat davant d’aquesta, ja que la Sección Femenina, malgrat aquestes confrontacions i moltes altres que vindrien, sempre tingué unes idees i objectius que eren eminentment catòlics, i fou conscient de la gran importància de l’Església en el règim i, per tant, de la importància de tenir-hi bones relacions.

La majoria d’afiliades a la Sección Femenina eren molt religioses, eren dones analfabetes, generalment del camp, que a més a més sovint professaven la religió catòlica gairebé com una superstició, o una creença pagana venerant diferents sants i verges.

Zamora50
Abans d’anar a missa. Zamora 1950

A més, la Sección distingí entre aquelles dones que tenien una “profunda formació religiosa” i aquelles que eren considerades “ñoñas” (qualitat contrària a la que desitjaven per a les dones de la Sección) com passava amb la majoria de dones espanyoles: eren creients, però eren considerades superficials, no disposaven d’una força moral adequada; en els aspectes relatius a la religió eren excessivament devotes, resaven als sants de forma privada i tenien una humilitat exagerada pel que fa als membres de l’Església.

Per tal d’evitar aquesta “poca cultura religiosa”, les “mandos” de Sección Femenina reberen una educació fortament religiosa, ja que a més a més i tal com havia dit José Antonio, la Sección Femenina considerava que l’ànima dels espanyols era ineludiblement catòlica i, a més, Pilar establí un gran paral·lelisme entre el bon compliment dels preceptes catòlics i la “salut” moral i espiritual de la nació.

Així, encara que la religiositat era molt forta dina la Sección Femenina, tenia certes particularitats, com el fet de que es pogués debatre sobre certs aspectes de la fe, considerats tabú,5[4]particularitats que també es mostren en el fet d’adoptar com a patrona no la Verge Maria (recatada, pura i lliure del pecat original) sinó Santa Teresa, una santa considerada emprenedora i valenta, com volia la Sección Femenina que fossin les dones.

Encara que aquesta educació religiosa que rebien les “mandos” era rigorosa i comprovada mitjançant proves, no s’ensenyava tant com el que entendríem per “religió” en termes generals (sistema compartit de creences i pràctiques associades, que s’articulen al voltant de la naturalesa de les forces que configuren el destí dels éssers humans, normalment incloent-hi una explicació sobre la mort i la vida al “més enllà”), sinó més aviat com una filosofia de vida, que havia de guiar les “mandos”, les afiliades i les alumnes cap a una forma racional i moral d’actuar, com una idea falangista més.

toledo60.jpg
Exercicis espirituals, Toledo 1960

Així, malgrat aquesta força de la religió i l’obligació en les escoles nacionals de l’assistència a capella els matins, les nits i els diumenges, s’admeté dins de l’organització dones que no professaven una fe personal. En altres paraules, era acceptable permetre que una no era practicant, la fe catòlica no era un requisit imprescindible per entrar a formar part de l’organització,.

Fins i tot l’assistència a missa obligatòria es podia evitar ja que la pròpia Pilar argumentava que no s’havia d’imposar a les Flechas (afiliades menors de 17 anys) anar a missa, ja que era una iniciativa que havia de sortir d’elles mateixes.

Així doncs, dins de Sección Femenina es valorava la capacitat de lideratge, d’ensenyar i la creença sincera en el falangisme, mentre que pel que fa a l’aspecte religiós, encara que bàsic, es podia accedir a l’organització tenint simplement uns coneixements sobre l’Església catòlica i no sent anticlerical.

Aquest fet era poc conegut fora de la institució, però així i tot féu que l’Església desconfiés de la Sección Femenina, desconfiança que es veia justificada pel comportament independent, actiu i poc “catòlic” de les “mandos”, (ja explicat a l’apartat d’“Evolució, contradiccions i canvis”) que estava molt lluny de ser el tipus de dona considerat decent per l’Església, i també contradeien el que defensava la mateixa Pilar en els seus discursos.

procesion53.jpg
Processó a Galícia, 1953

 

Aquesta forma d’actuar de les dones de la Sección Femenina feu que l’Església es tornés cada cop més contrària a les mesures que proposava, vetant qualsevol iniciativa duta a terme per l’organització. Aquesta tendència encara es féu més pronunciada quan les afiliades de Sección Femenina accediren a les aules (a partir de 1948, per ensenyar les assignatures de Política, Ciencias Hogar, Educación Física i Música) cosa que feu que l’Església encara sentís el seu poder i la seva posició preeminent més amenaçats, ja que es trencava el seu monopoli sobre l’educació dels joves.

Justament per això Pilar inclogué dins l’organització el frare benedictí Justo Perez de Urbel, que havia d’ajudar a legitimar els programes educatius de la Sección Femenina. Així, la Sección Femenina mostrava una imatge més catòlica i intentava que l’Església posés menys traves als seus objectius d’educació de les nenes i joves espanyoles. Però Fray Justo, encara que aconseguí més eficàcia operativa i certa pau entre les associacions, com a monjo benedictí que era a part de sacerdot, introduí certes reformes que no foren ben vistes pels sectors més conservadors de l’Església, ja que encara que després del Concili Vaticà II (1959) serien obligatòries, implicava una participació dels feligresos que en aquell moment resultava veritablement innovadora: cants d’estil gregorià en cor, activitats de meditació, es deien parts de la missa en castellà, s’oficiava de cara a la congregació…

La polèmica encara augmentà més quan les monges analitzaren el contingut d’aquestes matèries impartides per les mestres de Sección Femenina. L’Església es queixà que parlaven de temes que els corresponien, però el problema principal vingué de les assignatures de Ciencias del Hogar i Educación Física.

Pel que fa a la primera, el seu objectiu era educar les dones en aspectes relatius a la forma adequada d’administrar una casa i en com cuidar marit i fills.

Hogar 58

Imatge d’un llibre de l’assignatura de Hogar, 1958

Les queixes de l’Església per aquesta assignatura foren d’àmbit nacional: es reclamà que es retirés l’ensenyament de l’assignatura d’Hogar, ja que les monges es queixaren que els ensenyaments de puericultura eren massa “explícits”. Això fou un cop molt dur per a la Sección Femenina, que ja havia exclòs tota informació sobre els temes d’abans del naixement per censura de l’Església. Pilar fou taxativa en aquest aspecte; defensà amb gran determinació les professores de la Sección Femenina i els continguts que impartien davant l’associació professional de monges, no només utilitzant arguments relatius a l’educació, sinó també recordant a aquestes tot el que devien a Falange (de la qual Sección Femenina es considerava part), pels seus sacrificis en la Guerra Civil, i com les monges tenien el poder educatiu que tenien gràcies a elles.

A nivell local, la reacció de la Secció Femenina fou molt més pràctica: s’ensenyava el programa complet en aquells centres on no hi havia una oposició directa; en els que hi havia algun opositor s’hi intentava negociar, i si no s’aconseguia el suport desitjat, simplement la Sección Femeninacedia i ensenyava un programa retallat.

Pel que fa a l’Educació Física, l’enfrontament també fou inevitable. La Sección Femenina defensava l’esport com a pràctica saludable, que ajudava a les espanyoles a créixer fortes i sanes i, per tant, fomentava que es convertissin en mares fortes amb fills sans.

El primer problema fou el temor que la roba esportiva fos massa provocativa. Aquest problema el solucionaren quan obtingueren l’aprovació de Fray Justo, qui estipulà com havien de ser els vestits de bany i la roba d’esport de les dones per tal que fossin adequats (més a la moral catòlica que no a la pràctica de l’esport). Així creà els anomenats “pololos”, els pantalons bombatxos que utilitzaren les dones per practicar esport, i que s’anaren fent més curts, deliberadament, amb el pas dels anys.

espanyol43.jpg
Secció femenina de bàsquet del RCD Espanyol de Barclona, 1941

El segon problema, i més complex, fou la consideració que l’esport anava en contra de la modèstia que havien de sentir les noies cap al seu cos, modèstia totalment contrària a l’idea feixista d’exaltació i culte del cos, per a l’Església idea totalment immoral. Aquest pensament estava molt arrelat en la població, i per tant la Sección Femenina es veié obligada a cedir i a modificar en gran mesura la seva idea inicial: aplicar la idea feixista de gran interès en l’esport pels beneficis que reportava a la salud.

Per tant, es renuncià a la pràctica d’esports individuals massa competitius, com l’atletisme, i es controlà molt que les noies no adquirissin un sentit de competitivitat, considerat totalment execrable. A més a més, també es vetaren esports que no eren “femenins” és a dir, que consideraven que no eren compatibles amb la feminitat de les noies: futbol, lluita, rem…

Així doncs, quedaren el bàsquet, la natació i el handbol com a activitats d’equip preferides, considerades per la Sección Femenina com a no perilloses.

Amb aquestes restriccions aconseguiren que l’Església tolerés l’Educació Física, encara que mai l’acceptà del tot, ja que sempre consideraren, com digué el Cardenal Segura:

“ [la gimnasia en mujeres] escandalosa y lasciva”.

fogimnasia67.jpg
Taula gimnàstica, 1967

 

Aquesta objecció de l’Església pel que fa a l’exhibició del cos femení portà encara més controvèrsia entre ambdues organitzacions.

Quan Sección Femenina creà Coros y Danzas el 1939, (organització que, com s’explicarà més endavant, tenia l’objectiu de recopilar i conservar cançons i balls tradicionals espanyols, sobretot amb finalitat propagandística) encara que només recopilava aquelles tradicions que resultaven còmodes al règim, l’Església hi estigué totalment en contra. Això es devia al fet de que les dones, en les exhibicions que es duien a terme en diferents pobles, ballaven amb els vestits tradicionals, que sovint no eren aprovats per l’Església. Així, doncs, en diferents llocs d’Espanya es prohibiren (per part de bisbes, sobretot) els festivals de la Sección Femenina, a causa d’aquesta suposada mostra indeguda del cos femení, que feren que un cop més, la Sección Femenina es veiés obligada a cedir i a negociar amb diferents representants de l’Església.

Encara que l’Església i la Sección Femenina s’enfrontaren múltiples vegades i sovint els conflictes foren molt forts, ja que provenien de diferències ideològiques importants, ambdós constituïren la base ideològica del règim, i foren les dues forces més importants dins d’aquest.

Constituïren un bloc unit i fort, moltes vegades per les seves grans similituds en ideologia i en objectius, d’altres per necessitat mútua i l’interès de mantenir-se al poder.

Salutació feixista
La jerarquia eclesiàstica fent la salutació feixista

_____________________________________________________________________________________

1<< Puntos iniciales >> 7 de desembre de 1933, a Primo de Rivera, Textos, pp. 92-93.

2 Discurso de Pilar Primo de Rivera en el Consell Nacional de la SF de 1939. A Pilar Primo de Rivera, Cuatro Discursos, Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1939, p. 21.

3 M. Junquera, a: José Antonio, fundador y primer jefe de la Falange, capitán de luceros, ¡presente!, número extraordinario del Boletín Sindical, Madrid: Departamento Nacinal de Prensa y Propaganda Sindical, 1942, s.l.

4 <<Escuela de jefes>>, a Revista “Y” ( juliol-agost de 1938 )

5 Tal i com explicà l’afiliada (g) de la ANA, en una entrevista el 19 de febrer de 1996, una discussió sobre el sisé manament a la Mota (seu central de la Sección Femenina) derivà en una discussió sobre el comportament sexual humà, tema totalment vetat per l’Església.

Cites extretes de Richmond Kathleen: “Las mujeres en el fascismo español, la sección femenina de la falange, 1934-1959”

329 thoughts on “4.4 Les relacions entre la Sección Femenina i l’Església catòlica

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